Opposition rejects referendum results, vows to fight Agenda de Implementación

On October 27, representatives of the different social movements that constitute the Movimiento del NO, gathered for Asamblea Nacional Patriotica. About 2000 delegates from the Patriotic Committees, Student and Labor Unions, and the various others groups that make up this diverse movement, came together to deliberate over the referendum, whether or not to accept the results, take decisions about movement structures and leadership, and devise a plan of action after CAFTA passed the referendum.

The result was a manifesto of ten main points that is now being distributed to base organizations throughout the country. Perhaps the most striking outcome of the assembly are the signs that the movement is becoming increasingly aware of its potential and of its character as a unified movement. Thus, more permanent structures were established in the form of a Coordinación Nacional made up of two representatives from each of the participating movements. Eugenio Trejos was elected to head the Coordinación. Delegates also voted to strengthen the Patriotic Committees and create a national communications network to facilitate the spreading of information. The following is a summary of the most important decisions taken:

1) Reject the result of the referendum because of structural and media fraud

2) Take all the necessary actions to study, educate about, and fight the Agenda de Implementación on the national, regional and local level.

3) Demand the renunciation of deputy Fernando Sanchez, as well as the magistrates of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, the five judges of the Sala IV (constitutional court) that supported the TLC, and the 73 mayors that fought for the TLC with public money. The movement also demands the expulsion of the US ambassador.

4) Pressure the deputies in favor of the TLC and the Agenda inside and outside of the Congress with the necessary actions.

5) Support the deputies who are against the TLC and the Agenda with all means necessary.

6)Take up the following immediate actions:

Define a resistance strategy with coordinated and simultaneous actions at all levels, beginning with the first on November 7.

Commit to opposition to the plans regarding the opening and concession of semi-public instutions. Defend and back up the social and economic institutions which make up the base of solidaric and inclusive development model, among them the CCSS (social security), the ICE (electricity and telecom), the INS (insurance), and the JAPDEVA (infrastructure and ports of the Caribbean).

Boycott the companies that supported the TLC and/or were involved in the fraud.

Demand an end to the repressive actions against workers who are part of the Movement of the NO.

Demand a reform of the referendum rules to ensure the protection of the constitutional rights to equality of divulgation of information and use of public resources, as well as the right to non-interference from foreign actors.

If you ask yourself as I did, what “coordinated and simultaneous action beginning Nov.7” means, I think that this vagueness demonstrates the decentralized nature of the movement, basically asking the base to do whatever they can and are willing without exposing itself to repression. The Costa Rican government has passed a serious of laws that are intended to criminalize the kind of public resistance displayed in the Combo del ICE conflict in 2000. Perhaps the most prominent is Law 4573, which makes it a punishable crime to hinder the flow of traffic – a very convenient way to arrest demonstrators. The police has been demonstratively recording images of protestors during demonstrations. Police officers in full gear stand on elevated platforms and film everything that goes on. From my conversations with activists, I get the idea that the movement is preparing for active attempts of repression and wants to a) minimize the possible attrition of activists, and b) not play into the hands of the law enforcement and security apparatus. Watch for the next blog entry to read more about this.

Secondly, the regarding the pressure on deputies who support the TLC and the Agenda, the main website of the NO has begun to post images and names of those deputies with humorous and at times pretty mean descriptions of their role in the process causing Independent (recently split from the Movimiento Libertario) Evita Arguedas to express worries for her safety with great media resonance during one of the legislative sessions last week. To see them, click on the No TLC link.

Also, to read the entire Agenda decided on by the Asemblea Nacional Patriotica, go to http://www.notlc.com/27_OCTUBRE_ACUERDOS.html.

Social Movement Assembly motions to fight Agenda and prepare for Strike

About 2000 delegates of the Movimiento de NO (Comites Patrioticos and student and labor organizations, among others), voted on several motions to present to the main assembly of the NO forces on October 27. Among the proposals created on Saturday are the rejection of the results of the referendum and the decision to stop all dialog on the part of the movement with the government. Perhaps most important are the motions to "reject totally and absolutely" the Agenda de Implementacion and fight to stop every single one of its 13 projects. For this purpose, another motion calls for the preparation of a national strike, a so-called brazos caidos.

Additionally, a group of Costa Rican lawyers has filed a complaint and a request that the referendum results be annulled with the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, the Interamerican Human Rights Court, and the United Nations.

This week's Semanario devotes several articles to the analysis of the Movimiento del NO from a social movement perspective. Several analysts agree that this movement goes a lot further than the fight against the TLC, and represents a force with the possibility to democratize Costa Rican politics. They emphasize the decentralized nature of the movement, its autonomous bases and the absence of organizational hierarchy, and the independence from the parties. Some trace the mobilization potential of the movement to the struggle against the privatization attempts of the ICE in 2000 and argue that Costa Ricans have by now a network of experienced organizers, communicational structures, and awareness in the population that make this movement so powerful. Most agree that this movement has consolidated with the fight against the TLC and is here to stay.

Students and Unionists do not accept referendum results

Yesterday, the federations of the students of the University of Costa Rica (FEUCR), the National University (FEUNA), the students in secondary education (FES), as well as the the union Central General de Trabajadores (CGT) have anounced their rejection of the referendum results due to fraud. The most serious incidences according to the FEUCR were the direct intromission of the US government regarding the CBI benefits and its coverage during the media black out, and the coverage of CNN Espanol of the CBI debate, including interviews with Pro-CAFTA representatives for large periods of time on saturday before the referendum. The groups have called for a general assembly at the UCR today to decide the next step.

Report shows negative track record of CAFTA in Central America:

“DR-CAFTA Year Two: Trends and Impacts,” is the English title of a report presented by the Red Regional de Monitoreo de DR-CAFTA in September in San Jose. The Red is a group of more than 15 organizations from the CAFTA countries, including the Confederacion Guatemalteca de Federaciones de Cooperativas (CONFECOOP), the Centro de Estudios en Inversion y Comercio de El Salvador (CEICOM), the Coalicion Hondurena de Accion Ciudadana (CHAAC), the Movimiento Social Nicaraguense, and the Comision Nacional de Enlace de Costa Rica. And it paints a dismal picture of the impacts of CAFTA on the region.

The Central America countries and the Dominican Republics have seen their trade balances wit the US reversed. Export growth from the region to the US since the retification of the treaty were: El Salvador 3.7%, Honduras 5.7%, Nicaragua -.1%, and Dominican Republic –12.7%, while imports from the US grew 11.2% for El Salvador, 26% for Honduras, 27.5 for Nicaragua, and 13,5 for the DR. (numbers reported in Semanario Universidad).

At the same time, foreign direct investment decreased by 42%in the region. That means -$180 million in El Salvador, -$180 million in Honduras, -$23.4 million in the DR. Nicaragua received a total of $56 million during that time.

The report argues that "the parties to the agreement are experiencing an overall worsened trade balance with the US. Imports of US agricultural products to the region have outpaced exports, Central American and Dominican producers fail to compete against subsidized US agricultural goods." Central American farmers cannot compete with subsidized agricultural products from the US, and the vast majority does not posses the resources to even contemplate exporting the US, as the investments necessary to comply with the phytosanitary standards required by the US. As a result of the inability of small and medium sized producers to compete, the region is entering into severy food security problem, as it is losing the ability to feed itself and becomes increasingly dependent on US imports. Partly due to the biofuel trend, however, food, especially corn prices are already rising. The price of white corn in El Salvador, for example, increased by 81.6%. The Consumer Price Index rose by 5.1% in Guatemala between June 2006 and April 2007; the price of corn rose 26%, rice, 9.3%, bread, 9.5%. In the same June 2005 to April 2006 period prior to CAFTA those numbers were, 2.4%, 1.2%, and 2.4%.

The promises regarding employment have also not been fulfilled: According to the report 22 textile companies left the region since CAFTA implementation, causing the loss of some 50.000 jobs. In Nicaragua, alone, seven new maquila factories have opened and created 1,993 new jobs in 2007. But at the some time, other factories have shut down costing the country 4,000 jobs.

http://lasolidarity.org/CAFTA_report/CAFTAYear2_monitoring_eng.pdf

The report also includes a paper by Costa Rican economist and professor at the UCR Marta Trejos analyzing the provisions of CAFTA and its impact on Costa Rica. I pasted an excerpt from the article “Region has Squandered its Balance of Trade under CAFTA, Says Report” from the Latin American Database, summarizing her findings:

“In her paper, CAFTA in Costa Rica Would Cause Deepening Inequality, Trejos notes that the opposition in the country, which is formidable, is based on the advanced development of social services, which far outstrip the rest of the region. The people, she says, know they have a lot to lose, and she riffles through CAFTA's thousands of pages to parse out the most significant potential losses:

On biodiversity, Chapter 15 on intellectual property permits patenting the genes of living organisms, while Chapter 10 prohibits requiring knowledge transfer, so that multinationals "can conduct research into our native species and maintain any knowledge they might acquire in secrecy." The loss of sovereign control accrues to the benefit of cosmetic and pharmaceutical industries.

On water and natural resources, she shows that Chapters 10 on investment, 17 on environment, and 20 on dispute resolution, when taken together, enable multinational corporations to sue the government of Costa Rica should it take measures they might consider equivalent to expropriation or that affect their earnings. "With this," she writes, "businesses' access to the water and natural resources and their 'right' to profits take precedence over any measure (whether human or social) that might be taken by the government or municipalities."

On culture and knowledge, Chapters 15 and 10 allow multinationals to own the seeds of a species and traditional knowledge of plants and animals.

On markets, the early chapters allow subsidized imports from the US to enter while denying Costa Rica a tariff option. The case of Mexico under NAFTA provides an example of how agricultural jobs disappear as food from the US replaces nationally produced food without lowering national food prices. "In fact, the price of essential foodstuffs has risen while ruining the livelihoods of rural workers."

On current public investment, the strictures on water and natural resources also apply to public services including telecommunications and the insurance industries, so that the multinationals can sue the country for affecting their profits or expropriation, or for any restriction or attempt to maintain them under public dominion. In addition to the chapters cited for these rights, there is also Annex II, Non-Conformant Measures, Costa Rica list.

On cheap labor, Chapter 16 limits redress, except in limited instances, to labor violations that harm companies, but not those that harm workers. The country is committed to prevent violations "if commerce is affected."

On national sovereignty, CAFTA provisions prevail over national law, such that no law can be passed or remain in force that conflicts with a CAFTA precept. Transnationals take their demands to arbitration courts whose decisions can "modify both the decisions of internal courts and of state organisms at any level, taking into account only that which is stipulated in the agreement and not in the Costa Rican Constitution." CAFTA leaves the state with the authority to take measures to protect health and life, "as long as they do not affect commerce."

Most of these provisions, save those having to do with Costa Rica's telecom and insurance state monopolies, put the country in the same boat with its neighbor CAFTA countries. But Trejos emphasizes that Costa Rica is the only country that did not make any provisions to protect its small producers, poor women, native peoples, or its poor. She argues that a treaty that does not protect its most vulnerable sectors affects women disproportionately because women already constitute a disadvantaged sector. So, female small farmers who feed their communities "may now encounter obstacles in the continuation of their traditional practices, not only because the intellectual property stipulations in CAFTA enable the multinational companies to patent plants and animal species, but also because the treaty reinforces multinational property rights on their seeds."

PAC continues to steer unclear course

The PAC announced yesterday that they are not committed to stick to the March deadline for the passing of the Agenda de Implementacion. That is the problem of the Group of 38 (the 38 deputies that support the TLC and the Agenda), said Rafael Madrigal, sub-chief of the fraction. Elisabeth Fonseca furthermore said that she did not recall saying the sentence attributed to her in which she promised to respect the deadline on Tuesday.

The PAC is apparently trying to have it both ways, probably due to intense pressure from the grassroots base, especially the Comites Patrioticos. In a meeting with several representatitives of the base committees, Otton Solis is reported to have promised that the PAC will fight the Agenda de Implementacion until the bitter end. He furthermore is supposed to have denied the separation of the PAC from the movement. So what are they doing? Is there are division in the leadership, or do they simply have no plan? To be continued.

La Nacion article:
http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/octubre/12/pais1275329.html

PAC agrees to Agenda de Implementacion, suggests Agenda de Mitigacion

The Partido de Acción Ciudadana, the PAC, has now officially agreed to cooperate in the passing of the Agenda de la Implementación, stressing that the party still disagrees with the treaty, but that they are not an obstructionist party and will allow the Agenda to be passed by March (the deadline for joining the CAFTA). Elisabeth Fonseca, leader of the parliamentary fraction, apparently announced the separation of the PAC from the movement against the TLC since this alliance has “completed its mission.” (see La Nación, Oct.10) I write “apparently” because some PAC members deny that she said that. At the same time she said that the PAC would of course continue to participate in the meetings of the NO camp, as they represent a “great citizen effort”. The same ambiguity and contradiction is visible in Otton Solís’behavior, who has was quoted on Tuesday as saying that the PAC will agree to the Agenda, but not one step more than what the CAFTA requires. Recall that the Agenda is the package of 13 legal changes that are required to allow the CAFTA to take effect. Among them are the opening of the state-monopoly of the telecom and insurance sector, changes to corporate laws, and changes in intellectual property rights. According to a listserv of the NO camp, Solís then promised not to allow the Agenda to go through in front of various representatives of the Patriotic Comités on Wednesday night. Today, he presented a letter to president Arias in which he outlines an Agenda de Mitigación, which is supposed to protect against some of the worst effects of the CAFTA. Among the 18 projects suggested by Solis are 2% higher education spending, an end of tax breaks for large corporations, the creation of a development bank, subsidies for small and medium agricultural producers, and the de-politicization of the appointment process for the leadership of the semi-public, or state-owned institutions.

Meanwhile, the TSE (Supreme Electoral Tribunal) continues with the hand-count of all the ballots, which has to be finished by October 22. You can watch them counting on the TSE website (see links). This is standard procedure. The movement of the NO is engaged in a heated discussion over whether or not to accept the results, what to make of the PAC position, and what position to take regarding the coming legislative battle over the Agenda de Implementación. José Merino from the Frente Amplio, and Oscar López from the Partido de Accessibilidad Sin Exclusión are the only two legislators who have vowed to fight the Agenda de Implementación.

Press Release about Irregularities during Referendum

Below you can read the official press release of the center that collected complaints over irregularities in the referendum. They are part of the Association for Human Rights in Costa Rica. Among the gravest complaints is, of course, the violation of the media blackout, especially by the Arias-owned TV station Repretel, which broadcast PUSC deputies asking people to vote YES on Friday. Other complaints focus on companies pressuring employees to vote yes. One company which exports plants and flowers to the US supposedly told its employees that they need not come to work on Monday of the NO wins, implying that the company would have to shut down in that case. Companies are claimed to have offered their employees money for a yes vote, collective breakfasts ad rides to the polling stations, est.Most complaints deal with event at the polling places, involving incorrect administration, intimidation, and the distribution of propaganda in spite of the prohibition.

COMUNICADO INTERNACIONAL DE PRENSA
CENTRO CIUDADANO PARA LA RECEPCIÓN DE DENUNCIAS
SOBRE EL REFERENDO DEL TLC

Los principales dirigentes del Movimiento Patriótico contra el TLC, decidieron la noche de ayer (07 de Octubre de 2007) no aceptar la victoria del Sí en el referéndum sobre el TLC, hasta tanto no se reúnan con los distintos comités patrióticos que estuvieron trabajando intensamente durante la campaña.

El objetivo de dicha reunión, será decidir las acciones a tomar frente a los resultados arrojados hasta el momento por el Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones (TSE), los cuales dan a los partidarios del TLC una escasa ventaja de tres puntos porcentuales sobre los opositores.

Lo anterior, a raíz de la gravedad y cantidad de denuncias sobre irregularidades en el proceso de referéndum, que durante los dos últimos días fueron presentadas al Movimiento Patriótico.

Es sobre este último punto, sobre el que queremos aportar algunos elementos.

Quienes participamos de este Centro Ciudadano de Denuncias, somos testigos de la gran cantidad de quejas presentadas contra los partidarios del TLC, a raíz de sus evidentes violaciones de la legislación electoral vigente. Muchas de estas denuncias, consideradas sumamente graves en tanto atentan directamente contra la institucionalidad democrática y la pureza y transparencia del proceso.

Entre los hechos denunciados de mayor gravedad, se encuentra el de que los partidarios del TLC continuaron distribuyendo propaganda, organizando concentraciones planificadas y pautando gran cantidad de anuncios en las televisoras nacionales a dos días del referéndum, pese a que el Código Electoral, en su artículo 85, inciso g), establece claramente que "Durante los días inmediatos anteriores y el día de referéndum no podrá difundirse propaganda de ninguna especie relativa al proyecto objeto de consulta", disposición que los opositores al TLC si acataron estrictamente.

Incluso, el propio TSE en su Sesión Extraordinaria Nº 94-2007, ya había hecho la advertencia de que "durante los dos días inmediatos anteriores y el día del referéndum, NO PODRÁ DIFUNDIRSE PROPAGANDA DE NINGUNA ESPECIE, relativa al proyecto objeto de consulta, lo que incluye la repartición de volantes, panfletos, utilización de altoparlantes o de cualquier medio tendiente a influir en la decisión de voto."

Como ejemplo concreto de esta violación podemos mencionar que gran cantidad de personas denunciaron que el día 05 de Octubre de 2007, la empresa REPRETEL canal 4, pautó publicidad en donde aparecían Diputados del Partido Unidad Social Cristina (PUSC) invitando a la población a votar por el Sí.

Claramente, los medios nacionales de comunicación se convirtieron en canales abiertos para que el gobierno de Oscar Arias y los promotores del tratado, distribuyeran unilateralmente su propaganda; tal como sucedió con la amplia cobertura que los medios noticiosos nacionales dieron a las declaraciones de Susan Schwab, Representante de Comercio Exterior de Estados Unidos, en donde afirmaba categóricamente la imposibilidad de renegociar el tratado, así como la posibilidad de perder los beneficios de la Iniciativa para la Cuenca del Caribe, si los costarricenses votaban negativamente en el referéndum.

Todo lo anterior sin que el TSE, órgano encargado de la vigilancia y organización del referéndum, se dignara realizar acciones para evitar la continuación de estas violaciones. Actitud que ha generado gran indignación entre los costarricenses, quienes señalan a dicho tribunal como corresponsable de los abusos mencionados.

Presentamos a continuación un resumen de las denuncias recibidas, aclarando que estas constituyen solo una muestra de la totalidad, ya que en el país fueron instalados gran cantidad de centros para la recepción de denuncias que trabajaron de manera independiente.

1. En la Escuela de Cañas Dulces de Liberia, partidarios del Sí distribuyeron y pegaron propaganda favorable al TLC dentro del Centro de Votación. Dos niñas que se acercaron a solicitarles a estos partidarios del Sí que no siguieran repartiendo propaganda dentro del centro de votación, fueron amenazadas de palabra por dichas personas. También informan que la directora de la Escuela, que es delegada del TSE, amenazo con golpear a una señora que le solicito intervenir en el asunto.

2. En la Escuela de Esquipulas de Palmares, dos dirigentes del Sí, con una actitud sumamente agresiva, que no quisieron identificarse, se dedicaron a agredir verbalmente a cualquier partidario del No que ingrese a votar al centro de votación. También denunciron que a los menores de edad con camisetas del No, no los están dejando ingresar para cumplir con su trabajo como guías, al centro de votación, aduciendo que los menores de edad tienen restringido el acceso a dicho lugar. Sin embargo los menores de edad guías del Sí están ingresando libremente al centro de votación.

3. En Cariari de Pococí, se tramitaron 76 acreditaciones para fiscales del NO pero el TSE solo se entregó 14 credenciales del total solicitado.

4. Miles de personas denuncian que el día 05 de Octubre de 2007, la empresa REPRETEL canal 4, se encuentra pautó publicidad favorable al Sí al TLC

5. Denuncian el envío masivo de mensajes de vos a su celular promoviendo el Sí al TLC, así como de mensajes de texto que dicen: "Yo creía que el TLC no me afectaba. Pero Ana se va a quedar sin trabajo. Ayudemos. Vota
Sí".

6. Varias personas denuncian coacción por parte de distintas empresas sobre sus empleadas y empleados. Estas personas prefirieron permanecer en el anonimato por temor a posibles represalias de parte de sus patronos. Entre las empresas denunciadas están la empresa Del Oro, productora de concentrado de jugo de naranja en la zona de Guanacaste y diversas empresas del Parque Industrial de Cartago, Desamparados y empresa piñeras de Pocorá de Guápiles, las cuales han "invitado" a sus empleados a un almuerzo familiar el domingo 07 de octubre, con transporte incluido y luego de acudir a las urnas a votar por el Sí.

7. También, nos informan que varias empresas de la zona de Poasito de Alajuela dedicadas a la exportación de flores y follaje, advirtieron a sus empleadas y empleados, que en caso de que ganará el NO en el referendo del domingo, ya no era necesario que llegaran el lunes a laborar.

8. Desde Turrialba nos llaman denunciando que los partidarios del Sí están llamando a la gente a "participar" a cambio de 30.000 colones.

9. Desde Los Guidos denuncian que en la escuela de la localidad el Movimiento Libertario aparentemente permitió la alteración de uno de sus fiscales, siendo este sustituido por una persona de nacionalidad
nicaragüense.

10. Desde Bribri de Talamanca nos informan que en el acto de apertura del centro de votación, efectivos del Ministerio de Seguridad, equipados con armas de grueso calibre, registraron completamente los recintos electorales. Posteriormente y más grave aún, estos mismos policías se apostaron en la entrada de cada recinto electoral portando aún sus armas de grueso calibre. A las 9:30 de la mañana los uniformados se mantenían a la entrada de cada recinto electoral. Dichas actuaciones son interpretadas por la población partidaria del NO como un acto de intimidación.

11. Desde el Liceo de Paraíso de Cartago, denuncia que una señorita guía del No fue agredida por un
partidario del Sí, el cual argumentó que ella portaba una camiseta del No al TLC sobre el pecho, lo cual constituía una grave ofensa para él.


12. En la Escuela de Concepción Abajo de Alajuelita, un partidario del No fue agredido por partidarios del Sí, los cuales le causaron una herida profunda en la ceja. Delegados del TSE fueron testigos de los hechos.
13. En la Escuela Carmen Lyra, de Concepción Arriba de Alajuelita, niñas y niños que se encuentran
trabajando como guías del No están siendo acosados por los partidarios del Sí. Se ha solicitado la intervención de la Fuerza Pública, pero esta se ha negado a intervenir en el asunto.


14. Gran cantidad de denuncias relacionadas con el uso en forma indistinta de lapiceros negros y rojos para votar y llenar el material electoral, esto a pesar de que el mismo TSE había dispuesto que sólo se iban a permitir los votos emitidos en tinta negra, mientras que en las mesas en donde los funcionarios del TSE tramitarían la papelería solamente se permitiría la utilización de tinta roja. Esta normativa, la cual tenía por objetivo evitar la posibilidad de fraude, nunca se respetó, y a pesar de la gran cantidad de denuncias recibidas al respecto, el TSE nunca aclaró públicamente si los votos emitidos en rojo se tomarían como válidos, o que pasaba con las mesas en los que los miembros del tribunal utilizaron ambos colores indistintamente.

15. En Tejar del Guarco una de las juntas de votación cerró 5 minutos antes de las 6:00 pm.

16. En la junta electoral 2171 de Palmares, cerró cinco minutos después de las 6:00 pm. con el objeto de permitir la votación de dos fiscales del Sí. Esto, a pesar de que las demás juntas electorales ya habían cerrado y además, dejando fuera del recinto a dos fiscales favorables al No que estaban monitoreando la junta.

17. El Partido Acción Ciudadana denuncia que el Alcalde de Guápiles, acompañado de partidarios del Sí, ingresaron al puesto de guías del bando del No en Guápiles, golpeando a las personas presentes y destruyendo inclusive una computadora del lugar.

Todas estas denuncias son del conocimiento del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones.

Centro Ciudadano para la Recepción de Denuncias sobre el Referendo del TLC
Colectivo Comunidades
Asociación Costarricense de Derechos Humanos
Lunes 08 de Octubre de 2007.-